How Are The Pigmaents In Makeup Created

This section includes products such equally rouges and lipsticks. The text beneath provides some historical context and shows how we tin can apply these products to explore aspects of American history, for example, the links between changes in American feminine identity and the American beauty industry. To skip the text and become directly to the objects, CLICK HERE

A shop window advertizing sign depicting a pale-complected, cerise-lipped beauty idealized at the start of the 20th century. Warshaw Collection of Business Americana, Archives Center, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Establishment

In eighteenth century America, both men and women of the upper classes wore make-upward. But, presently after the American Revolution the apply of visible "paint" cosmetics (colored corrective for lips, peel, eyes, and nails) by either gender gradually became socially unacceptable.  For most of the nineteenth century few pigment cosmetics were manufactured in America. Instead, women relied on recipes that circulated amongst friends, family, and women's magazines; using these recipes, they discreetly prepared lotions, powders, and skin washes to lighten their complexions and diminish the appearance of blemishes or freckles. Druggists sold ingredients for these recipes, equally well as the occasional gear up-made preparation. Painting 1'south face was considered vulgar and was associated with prostitution, so any production used needed to appear "natural." Some women secretly stained their lips and cheeks with pigments from petals or berries, or used ashes to darken eyebrows and eyelashes. Woman worked to achieve the era's platonic feminine identity; a "natural" and demure woman with a pale-complexion, rosy lips and cheeks, and bright eyes.

In the 1880s, entrepreneurs began to produce their own lines of cosmetic products that promised to provide a "natural" look for their customers. Some of these new companies were modest, adult female-endemic businesses that typically used an agent system for distribution as pioneered by the California Perfume Company, later rebranded as Avon. This business model allowed many women to make coin independently. Also, more women were earning wages and buying cosmetics, thereby enlarging the market farther. Women could make a living in the burgeoning cosmetics trade as business concern owners, agents, or factory workers. Most of these entrepreneurs came from adequately apprehensive origins, and some managed to transform their local operations into successful businesses with a wide distribution of their products.  Florence Nightingale Graham, for example, was the daughter of tenant farmers, and worked many low-paying jobs before opening a beauty shop for elite clients and reinventing herself equally Elizabeth Arden. African American women as well found success through this model, but faced actress obstacles. Many white shop owners refused to consider stocking African American beauty products until successful businesses similar that of Madam C. J. Walker created plenty of a need through other distribution channels.

By the 1920s, it was fashionable for women, particularly in cities, to wear more conspicuous make-up. This shift reflected the growing influence of Hollywood and its glamourous new film stars, besides as the way of theater stars and flappers. "Painted" women could now also place as respectable women, even as they wore dramatic mascara, eyeliner, dusky eyeshadow, and lipstick similar the stars of the screen. The growing ethnic variety of the Us also influenced how cosmetics companies marketed their products. "Exotic" or "attracting" indigenous stereotypes became inspirations for brand-upwardly fashions that ostensibly reflected the American melting pot. White women could experiment with a trendy, exotic identity – so wash it off. African American identity, even so, was explicitly excluded from this ethnic mingling. In the late 1920s and 1930s, information technology became fashionable for white women to sport the appearance of a "healthy" tan. Previously, a tan had been equated with working-class women who performed outdoor labor; now a tan identified a woman as modern and healthy, participating in outdoor recreations and leisure. Make-upwards colors were marketed in various "suntanned" shades, giving women the pick to remove the "tan" whenever they wished to repossess a fair complexion.

At this fourth dimension, the cosmetics business experienced a major shift. Pocket-sized cosmetics companies, many of which were owned by women, were replaced by larger corporations. Business concern models had changed: in order to remain competitive and reach broad distribution, a business had to engage in wholesale bargaining with male-owned chain drug and section stores. Because women were unremarkably excluded from these distribution channels, most female-owned businesses could not compete. By 1930, a small scattering of companies controlled 40% of the cosmetics industry. These companies now released thousands of mill-produced, like products under diverse make names.

1930: The J.R. Watkins Company owned the Mary King Cosmetics line. Here, agents sell Watkins products and Mary King cosmetics. Scurlock Studio Records, Athenaeum Center, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution

Spending on cosmetics increased dramatically when millions of women entered the workforce during the 2d World War, gaining greater independence and purchasing power. Younger women embraced an overtly flirtatious persona, signaled through the conspicuous use of bold rouge, pulverisation, lipstick, and smash polish. Many working women wore shorter, more "manly" hair styles, and make-upwardly was used to reassert femininity. When nylon stockings became unavailable because of state of war-fourth dimension commodity shortages, women turned to leg brand-up—paint-on hosiery maintained the illusion of nylon-clad legs. Cosmetics advertisements and armed forces recruiting campaigns during the war emphasized women's dual responsibilities: support the war effort and maintain 1'southward feminine identity through the apply of make-up. Authorities-produced posters encouraging women to join the state of war effort depicted female nurses and factory workers in bright red lipstick and nighttime mascara. Makeup, especially lipstick, had become such an essential component of American femininity, that the federal government quickly rescinded its wartime materials-rationing restrictions on cosmetics manufacturers in social club to encourage utilise of make-up. As Kathy Peiss writes in "Hope in a Jar," the employ of brand-upwards had become "an assertion of American national identity."

Subsequently the war, 80-90% of American women wore lipstick, and companies like Avon and Revlon capitalized on this now-ingrained fashion. Past the 1950s and 1960s, teenage girls were commonly wearing make-up and cosmetic companies devised separate marketing campaigns to target the younger age groups.

In the late 1960s, using makeup became politicized. Counter-cultural movements celebrated ethics of natural beauty, including a rejection of make-upward birthday. Cosmetics companies returned to advertisements that claimed that their products provided a "natural" look. These ideals nonetheless relied on racial whiteness equally the basis of feminine beauty, just under connected pressure from women of color, major cosmetics firms began to cater to the African American market place, not simply by producing products geared toward blackness women (often under separate brands), just likewise by hiring black women equally sales agents. However, the then-called "ethnic" segment of the corrective market place remained pocket-sized, making up only 2.iii% of total sales in 1977.

1977 Revlon advertising entrada for the "Polished Ambers collection...an heady collection for blackness women." Revlon Advert Collection, Archives Center, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution

Bibliography ~ encounter the Bibliography Section for a total list of the references used in the making if this Object Group. However, the Brand-upwards section relied on the following references:

Gill, Tiffany Thou. Beauty Shop Politics: African American Women's Activism in the Dazzler Industry. Urbana; Chicago: Academy of Illinois Printing, 2010.

Jones, Geoffrey. Dazzler Imagined: A History of the Global Beauty Industry. Oxford; New York: Oxford Academy Press, 2010.

Jones, Geoffrey. "Blonde and Blue-eyed? Globalizing Beauty, c.1945–c.19801." The Economical History Review 61, no. one (February i, 2008): 125–54. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0289.2007.00388.x.

Morris, Edwin T. Fragrance: The Story of Perfume from Cleopatra to Chanel. New York: Scribner, 1984.

Peiss, Kathy Lee. Hope in a Jar: The Making of America's Beauty Culture. New York: Metropolitan Books, 1998.

Scranton, Philip. Dazzler and Concern: Commerce, Gender, and Culture in Mod America. New York: Routledge, 2001.

Source: https://www.si.edu/spotlight/health-hygiene-and-beauty/make-up

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